We Remember Jewish Glowno!

51;58'/ 19;44'
92.0 kilometers WSW of

A Map

The Book of Residents

The Glovner Young Men's Benevolent Society

Glowno in a Business Directory 1929

"Glowno" - Encyclopedia of Jewish
Communities in Poland, Volume 1
, published by Yad Vashem.

Translation of "Glowno" Chapter from
Pinkas Hakehillot Polin

Published by Yad Vashem

Published in Jerusalem
This is a translation from: Pinkas Hakehillot: Encyclopedia of Jewish Communities, Poland,
Volume 1, pages 81-84, published by Yad Vashem, Jerusalem

(District of Brzeziny)

Translated by Ada Holtzman   ada "at" zchor.org























The Jewish Community in Glowno until 1918

Town status was granted to Glowno in 1427; and it was lost in 1870.

At the second half of the 18th century, landowners of Glowno brought new settlers to the town and Jews among them who constituted a majority of the town's population until WWII. In 1793 there were 48 artisans, among them 35 Jews: 5 bakers, a butcher, a jeweler, a tanner, 25 tailors, a furrier and a hatter. In the tannery which belonged to a Jew 5 workers worked. There was a Jewish barber as well and the local inn lessee was also a Jew. 6 Jews were merchants.

The Jewish community became independent in 1822. Shortly after that, a synagogue, Beth Midrash (house of learning) and a Mikve (ritual bath) were erected. The building were built on the land of the Paritz (landowner, a squire), who charged leasing fees until the beginning of the 1860s. The Community Committee was obliged to pay tax also to the local priest. The building costs, the leasing fees and other payments worsened the economical situation of the settlement. In addition it suffered from the outburst of a Cholera epidemic and fire which broke out in 1848. In that fire the Beth Midrash and the Mikve were badly damaged and thus the costs increased and were a burden on all the inhabitants (restoration of the burned buildings and houses). Few well established families governed the Community Committee at those years; out of which few served as supporters of the community even in 6 periods of service. The caused grievance of the public and conflicts among the Jews.

Among the rabbis of G. in the second half of the 19th century, we should note rabbi Michael Paczanowski. Another distinguished figure was rabbi Eliahu Laskowski, from the disciples of the Admor (Hassidic Rabbi) of Sochaczew; who was the rabbi of Tuliszkow before. In the years 1908-1920 he served as the rabbi of G. and then he moved Warta. Rabbi E. Laskowski excelled as a gifted Magid (story teller) and erected some Yeshivot (Talmudical colleges). In the period of the Holocaust he was hung in public execution by the Nazis. After him, rabbi Icchak Paczanowswki and rabbi Elimelech Szapira served as the rabbis of G. and they perished in the Holocaust.

During the First World War, the first political organizations were founded in G. In May 1917, a general meeting was assembled and the foundation of the Zionist federation was declared. At the same time, Hamizrachi (the religious Zionist Movement) started its activities in town. The 1918 election to the community committee had already political competition.

Between the Two World Wars

Nearly all the Jewish political parties in Poland were also represented in Glowno. The results of the elections to the Zionist Congress show their effect: Zionim Haklaliim (Al Hamishmar) won 37 of the votes (1937) and again 37 (1939); Hamizrachi got 60 votes (1937) and 23 (1939); the League for Working Israel won 51 votes (1937) and 78 votes (1939). Also Agudat Israel and the Bund were actives in G.

During the elections in 1924 to the city Counsel, 5 Jewish parties participated and won together 6 mandates of the total of 12. In the elections of 1927, there was one list of the Jewish nationalist front which consisted of the General Zionists, Hamizrachi, Agudat Israel, The Craftsmen Association and "House - Owners without a party" (there are no results of these elections).

During the 1930's the economic situation of the Jews worsened in G. A fire which broke out in 1936 added to this while destroying 10 houses of Jews. 28 families remained roofless. In the same year, a group of breadwinners, coachmen in the past, remained without source of living. They founded a bus company which served the line Warsaw-Lodz and the holiday resorts around G. The company developed well, but in the anti-Semitic atmosphere which prevailed than, the Polish authorities cancelled the license of the company.

The poor situation of the settlement prevented from initiators among the community Committee to open a "Tarbut" school, as was planned in 1936.

On 31.5.1936, there were riots in G., which were about to develop into a mass pogrom. 7 hooligans went out of a dancing ball in the firemen hall, and attacked Jews passing by. The police who was alerted arrested one of the attackers. Than, about 150-200 people gathered and tried to free the detainee. A street fight developed and the police finally managed to control the mob with a lot of difficulties. Six of the hooligans were put on trial and jailed for 4-8 months.

The Holocaust

During the first days of G. occupation, in 13.9.1939 and 15.9.1939, the Nazis executed 6 Jews. In January 1940 there were pogroms in which, part of the Polish population participated, in spite of the objection of the priest and some Poles: the Jewish cemetery was profaned, trees were cut and tombstones were removed.

Until the erection of the Ghetto (April 1940) hundreds of Jews came to G., refugees and displaced people from the Warthegau (the region which was annexed to the Reich). G. which was part of the General Government, was a border town between these two regions. Most of the deportees arrived without anything. Some times they were ordered to leave the town within 24 hours. Some of the fugitives left and continued their wanderings and some remained in spite of the decree and settled in the suburbs and mainly in the summer resorts: "Nowi Otowock", "Zakopane" and "Archalow". In January 1940 there were already 2700 Jews deportees of Konstantinow, Brzeziny, Zgierz and Aleksandrow near Lodz.

In 1940 more Jews arrived from various places. And so the number of the Jews in town increased and in July 1940 it was 5602. In the next months, the number of Jews decreased by approximately by 400 because of the deportations to forced labour camps and in December 1940 the number of Jews was 5220.

In Passover year 5700 (1940) the fugitives experienced many hours of terror. On April 5th, a decree was published ordering the Jews to leave town immediately. The imploring of the Judenrat didn't help and thus, the Judenrat designated the poorest Jews who were a burden on the community, for the deportation. On 8.4.1940 while there were already carts ready to take the 400 Jews, the Judenrat managed to cancel the decree. On 18.4.1940 a rumour was spread that all refugees are allowed to go back to their hometowns. Some Jews even explained the liberal order by the coming end of the war. But the following day a decree was published calling 2000 fugitives to present themselves in the market square, ready to leave. At the same time, the police closed athways leading out of town. Some hostages were taken and the Germans threatened to killthem if the decree will not be obeyed. Some of the refugees managed to run out to the surroundingneighborhood. The angry Jews of G. for whom the refugees were as "smoke inth" because they caused raise of thfood prizes,started to take them out of their houses themselves, discover the hiding places and dragging the refugees out and carry them to the market square (..."because of these filthy Jews we have to die?"). In the end they gathered 2000 fugitives. The hostages were released. The German policemen dithe carts to Stryk. The chairman of the Judenrat followed them, equipped with food and beverage. In Strykow they were about to put up for the night, and the follday to return each one to his own place. For the night lodging they alcrothemselves in the synagogue. In the morning, (21.4) the Germans threatened to execute all the men. And in fact shootings were heard and some Jews were injured. Afterwards they were driven back to G. Near G., the Nazis imprisoned half of the refugees in a building which served as factory in the past; the rest managed to escape and return to town. The camp in the factory was watched by volksdeutche. The Judenrat sent food to the prisoners. The Jews Fass and Szer, who were known in town as "Machers" (interceders), started to negotiate with the Germans and for a large bribe managed to release most of the prisoners. Only the poorest remained, but were assisted by the property which was left in the camp/ After a while, the Germans dispersed the camp inhabitants.

In the spring of 1940 rumors about a plan to erect a Ghetto. The Judenrat collected a large sum of money to cancel the decree but nothing helped, and on 7.4 a notice was published by the head of Lowicz region. In the beginning the authorities were about to fix the ghetto in the suburbs Sowoda and Ciechorice but because of the opposition of the Poles who lived there the summer resort by the outskirts of town was chosen ("Nowy Otwock").

The ghetto in G. was officially established as of 12.5.1940. It encompasses 4 streets and 60 summerhouses - one floor wooden houses, which are not fir for living in the winter. The plot of the ghetto was surrounded by wire fence with only one gate. Jewish policemen watched it. The Polish watchman was positioned at the gate (only by daytime) and he didn't interfere in what was happening. There was nearly no interference with the contact with the surrounding.

The Judenrat was given the privilege to distribute freely licenses to leave the ghetto to the town or the village. The Jewish policemen who were controlling at the gate hardly checked the licenses. By the help of bribe, the relationship with the Germans, among them the police, was regulated. Thanks to the easy contact with the Poles, the Jews continued to make a living from craftsmanship and commerce. Part of the craftsmen worked in town - in the sewing workshop and the carpentry of the German police. The poor people among the population made a living from black commerce and smuggling. The Jews of G. went even to Warsaw for the sake of their trade.

Food supplies were usually enough; the prices nearly equal to those outside the ghetto. The Jewish butchers cut the fence at night and let cows inside for slaughter. Their endless quarrels echoed in the ghetto (groups of butchers informed on each other to the German police), and also the Jewish policemen claimed that they do not repair the fence and do not pay the requested bribe (in money or meat). The fish Jewish merchants maintain even a connection to Skierniewice; once a week a cart fully loaded with fish to go there; the fishes were kept in crates which were thrown into the river running inside the ghetto. The peasants used to bring carts full of food until the gate. Although it was forbidden to hold, there was plenty of white flour; the bakers baked "Hallahs" (special bread prepared for the Sabbath) and white bread, with the pretext that this is an order from the hospital.

Some more "liberties" were typical to this ghetto. In Rosh Hashana 5701 (September 1940) the authorities allowed to open a "shtibelech" (small synagogue) for praying. Once a week a football game took place in the ghetto between a youth team of the ghetto and the local Polish groups; entry permits to the Ghetto for the Poles were given by the head of the region.

The Judenrat was appointed by the end of 1939. The chairman was Abram Rosenberg and 6 men from the merchants (only 2 names are known: Kalcki and Baumarder). In the beginning there were 20 policemen in the Jewish police and during the ghetto times - 45; as the heads of its 3 sections - a coachman' a merchant, and the son of the chairman of the Judenrat. In the house, which served the administration and the Jewish police, there was also a room to keep the detainees.

Fass and Szer who were mentioned before, wished to acquire influence on the Jewish administration. According to some versions, they were "cunnings" already before the war, and some said hey were detectives, and during the Nazi regime they became "machers" and witty bribers. The presumption was that they informed the Germans on the rich Jews and pointed at the hiding properties. Some said, that they intended to remove Rosenberg, the chairman of the Judenrat, and for this cause they defamed him to the authorities.

In spite of the reasonable conditions, there was a poor crowd among the inhabitants of the place before the war and among the refugees. The Joint in Warsaw supplied for them money, food and clothing. A popular kitchen was founded which supplied 500-1300 meals a day. From time to time food supplies, clothes, shoes and financial aid as well were distributed to the poor. The Joint appointed in G. representative of its own and also selected the working team at the kitchen. \On this background, a conflict between the Joint and the Judenrat continued constantly because the Joint wanted to run the welfare activities independently and position men of its own choice. As time passed by, the contributions of money and supplies from Warsaw stopped. The appeal for contributions and the trial to impose taxes on the rich people did not succeeded. In October 1940 the kitchen moved to the hands of the Judenrat. On Friday and Saturday nearly no one came to the kitchen, as even the poorest managed to prepare meals for themselves during these days. The distribution of food supplies, clothes, shoes and financial aid continued.

The health services in the ghetto were given to the poor for free and with payment to the affluent men. The only doctor in the ghetto received his salary from the Judenrat. It was Dr. Szmirgold. The small hospital of the ghetto was a wooden summerhouse, which included rooms for the sick, improvised pharmacy and a clinic. The equipment was very poor; the sick were hospitalized but received no treatment because of lack of doctors and public health workers; medicines were sent there by the Joint and the T.A.Z. from Warsaw. In a later period, the Polish Dr. Mirziewski was appointed. Also he received his salary from the Judenrat, but enjoyed the patronage of the German authorities, and has a lot of influence on the ghetto. He improved the conditions and moved the hospital to a s house made of stone and ordered dietetic food to the people in need, according to his instructions. He immunized the population against typhus and managed to overcome this sickness in the ghetto.

The sanitation problems were the freight of the ghetto. The filth ruled everywhere, the crates of garbage were full to overflowing and there was shortage of water closets. The sanitary committee with 20 public health workers was not able to improve the situation. The supervision visits by the health German authorities ended by cruel hunting and forced washings in unheated housed, cutting the hair of women and requests for bribe. The situation improved a little when the Judenrat employed working groups to clear the garbage, and the Jewish police started to arrest people because of waste in their shops, the bakeries and the plots.

The inhabitants of the ghetto were sent to hardforcelabour in the neighbouring farms. The labour department of the Judenrat was obligedto supply working teams for other works in the town. In addition, single Germans or police was hJews from time to time to transport them to various works. Asof 19the camps s. From fear of these deportations, the youngsters used to hide in the forest and the near-by villages and return after the danger was finished. The Jewish and the German policemen were hunting the people in hiding. When the news arrived, about the horrible conditions which pin the forced camps in the Lublin district, where the Jews of G. were, the Judenrat apin the autumn of 1940, a committee aimed to collect for them. In October, the chairman of the Judenrat, Rand anomember Baumarder, left for the Lublin district with the money which was collected. While they were unable to reach the camps themselves, they delivered the money in a roundabout way. It is possible that the representatives of the Jews went to Lublin for another time. Only very few returned from those camps and they were shadows of men.

Other problems were not missing. On 27.9.1940 a fire broke out in town and consumed houses, which belonged previously to the Jews. It was probably a provocation and the Jews were blamed for it. The Germans imprisoned 20 hostages and put them in jail at Lowicz. The ghetto was surrounded by the police, the gate was closed and the exit permits were canceled. A shortage of food prevailed. The Germans fenced the ghetto again by the shape of a rectangular: they ordered to move wire from one place to another and omit curves which smugglers could use. Three houses were taken out of the ghetto premises; giving apartments to the evacuated people cause a lot of troubles. As time run, the atmosphere calmed down again, the exit permits were renewed but the hostages remained locked out. On 8.12.1940, after many pleas of the Judenrat the hostages were released, and the German police requested for them 5 writing cabinets.

The order oft he German police on 10.2.1941 to return all the exit permits, was the beginning of the ghetto liquidation. The Jewish policemen hunted at the ghetto and the surrounding villages all the holders of permanent exit permits. As not all the permits were returned, the German police took as hostages the chairman of the Judenrat himself and his 3 comrades, but released them after a short time. As the news about the deportation of all the Jews from the border district between the General Government and the Reich, the Judenrat started to get tracks for the transfer of the population. The rich moved to Warsaw by their own initiative and with personal vehicles, which they hired. An anarchy prevailed in the ghetto; the Judenrat fought with the Jewish police; the stock of food was stolen. The Poles entered the ghetto by masses and bought the Jewish property for grouts. The German policemen robbed what they wanted freely. On 28.2.1941 the German police announced the deportation to be held on the following day, by carts and after disinfecting the people and their belongings. But until 18.3.1940 there were still Jews in G. The last week of their stay in the ghetto were full of menaces and deadly persecutions if they would not leave the town quickly; they were expelled from street to street and house to house and the ghetto borders shrinked continuously. Jews were kidnapped in the streets and transported to Warsaw. Rosenberg, the chairman of the Judenrat, went to Warsaw in a convoy of 20 sick people. A small number of the craftsmen from G. were transported to Lowicz' where they worked for sometime for the German with group of local craftsmen, until all the Jews of Lowicz were transported to Warsaw ghetto.

Treblinka - the End

Lodz Area Research Group (LARG)

Glowno Jewish Genealogy at JRI

The JewishGen Family Finder (JGFF)


Descendants of Jews from Glowno Write...

Email from Cathy J. Flamholtz  4.10.2002
Lawrenceville, GA

It's so great that there's finally a website for Glowno (or Glovno to our Yiddish speaking ancestors). You've done a great job, Ada, and I hope that everyone will pitch in to add additional information.

One of our relatives said that they called Glowno "ir sh'kulo FLAMHOLTZ," the town of FLAMHOLTZES. It's fascinating to see how many people with this rare name resided in the town. Glowno is the ancestral home of the Flamholtzes.

We've traced the family back to one couple who lived there in the 1700s. They adopted the name the year after the Prussians decreed that Jews had to adopt surnames. While our research isn't complete, it appears that all the Flamholtzes descend from this one couple.

Here's the list of surnames that are associated with our Glowno clan. The majority of these folks lived in Glowno itself, though some are children who moved to other shtetls. All are names from the Old Country (I haven't included the names of those who married into the family once they emigrated to the US, Israel, etc.).

I have extensive information for some of the people and only scant information for others. I'd be glad to help anyone and would welcome the chance to swap information.























Email From: Ari Morris - 30.9.2002

Thanks for putting this together. My great-great-great-grandfather, Rabbi Izrael Pagiel LANDAU, was the rabbi of Glowno from the 1870s until his death on September 25, 1909. His son, Rabbi Avraham Majer LANDAU, succeeded him as rabbi of Glowno until his death in 1915. I noticed you didn't have this information on the website, and was wondering whether this was because there are no available records which point to them having been the Rabbis of Glowno. What do you think?
Best regards,
Ari Morris.

Email from Fishbein Moshe 30.9.2002

I am very much interested in Glowno because my mother's family lived there and my Father and 3 Sisters where there during the world war II. I was in Ghetto Lodz with my Mother(Rywka), Sister(Lola) And Brother(Avraham). We had little contact with my Father in Glowno till 1942 (or1941) and then they disapeared. After the war I learned that my family was transfered to Siedlce.

My mother's family name was Rochwerger:Leib R - my Grandfather Chana Rochwerger - my Grandmother. Their children: Anshe, Tova, Chaya, there were 3 more children whose names I dont remember.

My father, Itzhak stayed in Glowno with my sisters Fela(Faiga), Klara(Kajla) and Bela(Bajla) untill they were transfered to Siedlce. Since then no sign of them.

Are there names of the Jews in Glowno of that time and what happened to them ?

I also had an aunt in Lowitz, her maiden name Rochwerger and in Piotrkov an aunt, her maiden name Rochwerger I would be grateful to get any information about all of them.

Best Regards;
Moshe Fishbein
Kibbutz Ein Hashofet 19237

Last Updated July 30th 2010 (first posted September 2002)